Monthly Archives: February 2016

An Evaluation of Prime Minister Modi’s ‘Beti Bachao Beti Padhao’ Initiative

By Neha Mahal 

History of policies of girl child in India

The trend of decline in the Child Sex Ratio (CSR), defined as number of girls per 1000 of boys between 0-6 years of age, emerged broadly in 1991 census data. The continued decline in CSR from 945 in 1991 to 927 in 2001 and further to 918 in 2011 is a major indicator of women disempowerment and lack of value attached to her1. Successive governments introduced several cash incentive schemes, based on assumption that arrival of money on the birth of girl would increase her value and bring down practice of female foeticide. But such initiatives have failed to improve CSR because they do not deal with deep rooted socio-economic causes of declining CSR such as patriarchal attitudes, practice of dowry, and preference for male child due to their ability to economically support parents in old age2.

To holistically engage with social and attitudinal factors responsible for low CSR, PM Narendra Modi’s has launched Beti Bachao Beti Padhao (BBBP) initiative, urging people to change their patriarchal attitudes towards girls and give up the practice of female foeticide. The initiative aims to improve the present low CSR of 918: 1000 and increase the value of girl child by focussing on three pronged strategy for empowerment of girl child- raising awareness on sex selective abortions for attitudinal change, better implementation of PN&PCDT act- convergence of flagship schemes on health and education to improve quality of life of girl child3. BBBP will be implemented across 100 districts with critical CSR for focused intervention. As a symbolic gesture to highlight the urgency in dealing with this issue, the PM launched the scheme from Haryana in January, 20154.

BBBP’s Focus on Girls’ Education and Issues Herein

As the name of the scheme suggests, there is special focus on increasing access to education as a means to empower the girl child. It emphasizes the significance of education in making available better avenues of employment, skill development and turning girls themselves into agent of social change in their lives. Thus, the scheme has marked targets such as increasing enrolment at secondary level from 73 to 76%, reducing drop-out rates at upper primary and secondary level, and reinvigorating School Management Committee to enhance girls’ access to education5. Thus, the scheme essentially depends on making existing schemes such as Sarva Shiksha Abhiyan (SSA) and Rashtriya Madhyamik Shiksha Abhiyan (RSMA) to make the initiative a success. But, it provides no blue print to tackle the critical points of failures in existing schemes responsible for continued low level of girls’ education.

Grassroots-level Barriers

Enrolment of girls is steadily increasing at the school level. It stands at 100.6 for primary level, 90.3 for upper primary and 73.7 for secondary level but it is offset by high drop-out rates at upper-primary (32.9%) and secondary level (46.7%)6. Traditional attitudes towards the girl child enmeshes with economic factors reducing participation of girls in education. According to a study on enrolment and drop-out percentages among boys and girls in secondary level in India, early marriage or child marriage, looking after their young siblings and supporting mothers as domestic help, seasonal migration of parents for work are main causes of drop-out for girls7. Another study on barriers to girls’ education in Madhya Pradesh states that sexual safety of girls at the onset of puberty also contributes to the drop-out of girls at secondary level8. Hence, such demand side obstructions require a holistic approach oriented towards community mobilization and attitudinal change in society towards girls’ education.

SSA has an important aspect of Community Mobilization to bridge the gender and social gap in education. But, track record of allocation and expenditure towards community mobilization in SSA by various states show gross underutilization implying lack of focus on this aspect by respective state governments9. A study on allocation and expenditure in education sector shows that funds reach the grassroots level after substantial delay and in a staggered manner and thus, when received, schools and ground level committees focus on creating tangible use of funds such as whitewash, toilets, boundary walls, blackboards and dusters10. It is due to the perception that a tangible use of funds would be seen as indicating action undertaken, rather than structural reform and changes which would represent only future value. Thus, long term structural initiatives such as community mobilization required to improve enrolment and tackle drop-out take a back seat.

Hence, the scheme focuses on reinvigorating community participation through SMCs for enrolment and reduction of drop-out rates. SMC consists of elected local authorities, parents of children admitted in school and teachers. It is an integral part of Sarva Shiksha Abhiyaan (SSA) intended to bring in community ownership of SSA and accountability. Thus, SMC is an important platform to bridge gender gap in access to education but the initiative presents no road map to remove the inherent loopholes in the functioning of SMC responsible for its failure so far.

According to a study, most parents are not aware of their membership in SMCs and PTAs. Also, many parents are apprehensive to approach the teachers due to their illiteracy and socio-economic status11. Further, there are issues such as lack of awareness on the very working of the system. Such a wide gap between the community and the government functionaries such as teachers reduces the communication needed to raise awareness about the value of education for the girl child and to eradicate the traditional beliefs about girls’ roles.

State-level Impediments

BBBP has announced construction of 500 hostels for girls to allow them to continue education without concern for distance or safety12. But, among five states with lowest CSR, Uttar Pradesh is the only one to send proposals for building of hostels in 201513. Such a state wise variation in realization of these targets substantially undermines the objectives of the scheme to improve girl child’s education and quality of life. Unfortunately, state wise disparity may further increase with the implementation of 14th Finance Commission report. With the increase in states’ share in taxes to 42% from existing 32%, Union government has reduced funding of several social welfare schemes including those with intended impact on girls/women such as Rashtriya Madhyamik Shiksha Abhiyaan (RMSA), ICDS14

According to the budget for 2015, the allocation for Sarva Shiksha Abhiyan (SSA) has been reduced from Rs 27,758 crore to Rs 22,000 crore, Mid-day Meal Scheme Rs 13,215 crore to Rs 9,236 crore and the allocation for RMSA has been reduced from Rs 5,000 crore to Rs 3,565 crore15. Also, the available funds have been made untied to conditions, allowing states to spend them as per their own priorities. Although, it may provide much needed flexibility to states to spend as per their preference but child and women’s rights activists opine that give the track record of many states in implementing schemes with special focus on girl child, a genuine concern arises as every state may not equally prioritize the issue of girls’ education and compensate for the reduced funding by the centre16.

To Conclude:

BBBP is a step in the right direction, bringing much needed focus on issue of girl child and declining CSR. The initiative sets itself aside from others as it has direct support of the Prime Minister giving it much needed political impetus to function. However, it is important to understand that steps to improve their quality of life through education needs intervention beyond targeted goals of enrolment. The high drop-out rates of girls is a result of socio-economic issues at play outside the school. And, they can be tackled only when deep-rooted and everyday silent exclusion of marginalized families and parents in community participation is addressed so that community can be gradually made aware of the value of education for the girl child. Secondly, though the initiative is a union government led programme, its objective of increasing educational opportunities for the girl child for improved quality of life is significantly dependent on participation of the state governments. Therefore, if the scheme has to succeed, it needs engage at a more in-depth and sustainable level to effectively tackle the blind spots responsible for low value of girl child in our community.

References:

  1. http://wcd.nic.in/BBBPScheme/main.htm
  2. http://www.ipc-undp.org/pressroom/files/ipc126.pdf
  3. http://wcd.nic.in/BBBPScheme/Implementationguideline.pdf
  4. http://indianexpress.com/article/india/india-others/pm-modi-launches-beti-bachao-beti-padhao-campaign-to-improve-child-sex-ratio/
  5. http://wcd.nic.in/BBBPScheme/Implementationguideline.pdf
  6. http://mhrd.gov.in/sites/upload_files/mhrd/files/statistics/EAG2014.pdf
  7. https://www.researchgate.net/publication/273130909_Enrolment_Dropout_Percentage_among_Boys_Girls_up_to_Secondary_Level_in_IndiaA_Comparative_Study
  8. http://www.fhi360.org/resource/demand-side-barriers-girls-secondary-education-madhya-pradesh-india
  9. http://ssa.nic.in/page_portletlinks?foldername=financial-management
  10. https://ccsinternship.files.wordpress.com/2014/06/334_group_analysis-of-inefficient-allocation-and-expenditure-in-education-budget_dipika_enakshi_nayantara_shreyes.pdf
  11. https://www.academia.edu/4839970/Effectiveness_of_Community_Mobilization_in_Sarva_Shiksha_Abhiyan
  12. http://wcd.nic.in/BBBPScheme/Implementationguideline.pdf
  13. http://mhrd.gov.in/sites/upload_files/mhrd/files/upload_document/GH_1704.pdf
  14. http://www.hindustantimes.com/business/big-budget-cuts-in-education-sector-worry-activists-ngos/story-QBsHgQjpdBvmNTLYjBHT6J.html
  15. http://articles.economictimes.indiatimes.com/2015-03-10/news/59970047_1_budget-cut-sarva-shiksha-abhiyan-allocation
  16. ibid

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

The Nirbhaya Fund: An Overview

By Neha Mehal

Violence against women has received unprecedented focus in governance and politics in the aftermath of Nirbhaya incident. Along with comprehensive reform of the Criminal Law Act in 2013, enhanced governance became a priority to urgently tackle widespread violence against women. Hence, in the budget of 2013, the then Finance Minister P. Chidambaram announced ‘Nirbhaya Fund’ for empowerment, safety and security of women and girl children1. Set up with an initial corpus of 1000 crore, it received an additional grant of 1000 crore each in 2014 and 20152. The fund would finance several schemes for making public spaces safer for women and for rehabilitation of victims of sexual assault and violence.

Some of the major schemes approved for implementation under Nirbhaya Fund are:

  • Introduction of SOS button in phones which would be used by the PCR (Police Control Room) to trace distress calls. Initiated by the Ministry of Home Affairs in consultation with the Ministry of Information Technology, it would be launched in 157 cities in two phases and has an expected outlay of Rs. 1000 crore.
  • A pilot scheme of setting up an SOS alert system in trains in central and western zones through a railway helpline.
  • Installation of CCTV cameras and GPS in public transport in 32 towns each with a population of over one million. The scheme proposed by the Ministry of Road Transport and Highways has a budget of Rs. 1700 crores.
  • Setting up of nirbhaya centres near government hospital in every district as first point access for victims of sexual assault and domestic violence. The scheme is proposed by the Ministry of Women and Child Development with an expected budget of Rs 244 crores.
  • Victim compensation fund for rehabilitation of victims of acid attacks.
  • Programme named ‘Shubh’ for  mapping vulnerabilities and identifying areas and categories of women who need special protection measures such as women in prostitution or widowed women

Background to the Fund

The need for urgent safety measures has been repeatedly stressed at several points in time by various committees and the Supreme Court while observing the shortcomings in laws and governance in preventing violence against women. Most recently, The Justice Verma committee, which was set up after the widespread protests in the wake of the Nirbhaya incident, had recommended use of CCTV cameras and GPS in public transport, public emergency response system to make public spaces safer for women3. The Justice Usha Mehra committee, which was set up to look into Nirbhaya incident, too made an important recommendations of setting up crisis centre for victims of gender based violence and assault for easy access to legal and medical facilities4. Interestingly, the Ministry of Home Affairs had also suggested setting up of such crisis centre in its advisories to state governments and Union Territories to curb violence against women5.

In addition, the Supreme Court (SC) has also actively acknowledged the need for urgent measures to safeguard and rehabilitate victims of sexual violence. Realizing the limitation of sections 294 and 509 in dealing with rampant sexual harassment in public, the SC issued guidelines to states governments to install CCTV camera in public spaces to prevent harassment and assault6. Further, it passed several judgments directing state governments to create fund to compensate victims of acid attacks to alleviate their trauma and financial burden of treatment. However, compensation funds created by states were meager and inadequate for the rehabilitation of victims. In response, the Ministry of Home Affairs (MHA) has created a 200 crore Victim Compensation Scheme to partially finance the scheme in coordination with state governments. It provides a minimum of 3 lakh compensation to acid attack victims7.

Thus, setting up of the Nirbhaya Fund has given boost to the reforms and initiatives which had been in the pipeline for sometime. However, it has failed to reach the level of approval and implementation for want of political will and funds.

Critique of the Proposed Schemes

Although the schemes proposed under Nirbhaya fund have been recommended by various institutions and agencies previously, the changes they have gone through in the process of approval have left many of the schemes without much strength to make a difference at the grassroots level.

One of the major schemes under this fund is Technology enabled emergency response system. The scheme, launched in its first phase in Jaipur and Delhi recently, download of a panic button software in smart phones to be used in distress situation to send signal and location to police control room (PCR) for help. But Justice Verma Committee had recommended a simple hotline as the basis of emergency response system to benefit larger number of persons and suggested use of Smartphone based panic button as technological addition to the system8. Thus, this scheme has come under criticism for being exclusive as its technology and smart phone based security system safeguards only a certain class of women while leaving a large section out of its reach.

In February 2015, the ambitious scheme of Ministry of Women and Child Development (MWCD) to create one stop crisis centre in every district to provide legal, medical and psychological support under one roof to victims of sexual assault and domestic violence was also downsized by the Prime Minister’s Office (PMO). It has approved construction of only one centre in every state in order to reduce the cost of the scheme from Rs. 244 crores to Rs. 18 crores9. As one centre in every state is highly inadequate to cater to victims from all over the state, it negates the basic idea of the scheme to provide easily accessible crisis centre’s to treat victims sensitively and prevent their revictimization in the medical-legal process in order to allow more women to come forward to report crime.

Also, the Victim Compensation Fund, set up with the intention to rehabilitate the victims of acid attacks medically, emotionally and allow them to pursue legal proceedings to the end, falls short of its stated goals. The compensation under the fund can be accessed by the victim only when court passes judgment in the case10 and not when FIR is filed. As legal proceedings are long drawn process requiring substantial time and financial resources, the compensation process denies speedy relief to victims, which is the crux in incidents of acid attacks.

Progress and Problems of the Fund Over Last 2 Years

Nirbhaya Fund, meant to fight crime against women, is one of the few women specific schemes to have budget over 1000 crores. Majority of schemes for women have budget outlay of less than 100 crores. Therefore, it symbolized urgency in dealing with sexual violence against women by initiating effective multipronged measures. But successive governments of UPA II and BJP have received criticism over slow pace of fund utilization. To begin with, the 1000 crore amount was credited to the fund’s account only in January 2014, ten months after its formation. And, by the end of 2015, only 200 crores had been sanctioned out of the fund for emergency SMS alert project and safety of women in public transport11.

The lengthy inter-ministerial coordination for project approval has also created problems in implementation of Nirbhaya Fund schemes. Each ministry is required to send its proposal to the Department of Economic Affairs, which controls the corpus of Nirbhaya Fund, for approval and disbursal of funds. This has contributed to substantial delay in approval and implementation of the schemes inviting widespread criticism from the Supreme Court and media. Thus, in response, the central government has recently made Ministry of Women and Child Development the nodal ministry for submission and approval of schemes under Nirbhaya Fund due to its expertise in issue of women and in order to expedite the process of approval of schemes12.

Even as the bureaucratic loopholes are being plugged to save the scheme, there are larger changes introduced by the budget 2015-16 which raise concern over government’s commitment to tackle violence against women. Two significant projects meant to operationalize rehabilitation schemes under ‘compensation for the victims of rape’ and ‘domestic violence against women act’ have been cancelled in the union budget due to non-utilization of allocations made in 201313. Both the initiatives took nearly decade to reach the stage of legislation and finally when they did, their operationalization was hindered by lack of political will and gender sensitivity in governance structures.

The unconcerned approach regarding implementation of women specific schemes may further impact efforts to curb violence against women. Majority of substantial reforms that were demanded in the aftermath of Nirbhaya incident such as more women in police force, a special crime cell in every district to investigate violence against women come under the ambit of state governments. MHA has issued several advisories to state governments since 2013 to implement these reforms. Interestingly, similar advisories to curb violence against women were also issued from 1995 to 2007 but hardly any of them reached the stage of implementation14. Therefore, it remains to be seen if future of suggested reforms turns out to be any different from previous occasions.

To Conclude:

When Nirbhaya fund was set up in 2013, it was received with mixed expectations by the women rights’ activists and civil society. Though, it symbolized government’s commitment to strengthen the institutions of governance to allow empowerment and safety of women. But a closer look at the schemes and operation of the fund proves their inadequacy in curbing crime against women in any significant manner, reinforcing the doubts that the fund may end up as mere tokenism. Fortunately, now that the MWCD has taken over as nodal agency for Nirbhaya fund, it may well utilize the opportunity to overhaul the present inconsistencies and bring about more concrete and substantial schemes to tackle gender based violence.

References:

  1. http://pib.nic.in/newsite/erelease.aspx?relid=95115
  2. http://www.firstpost.com/india/union-budget-2015-jaitley-dumps-rs-1000-crore-into-nirbhaya-fund-but-who-is-going-to-use-it-2127475.html
  3. http://www.thehindu.com/news/resources/full-text-of-justice-vermas-report-pdf/article4339457.ece#
  4. http://www.thehindu.com/todays-paper/tp-national/tp-newdelhi/justice-mehra-wants-onestop-centres-for-rape-victims/article4450573.ece
  5. http://www.thehindu.com/news/resources/full-text-of-justice-vermas-report-pdf/article4339457.ece#
  6. http://www.jagori.org/multipronged-strategy-address-violence-against-women
  7. http://pib.nic.in/newsite/PrintRelease.aspx?relid=115755
  8. http://www.thehindu.com/news/resources/full-text-of-justice-vermas-report-pdf/article4339457.ece#
  9. http://www.dnaindia.com/india/report-modi-government-says-no-to-rape-crisis-centres-in-every-district-2063977
  10. http://indiatoday.intoday.in/story/nirbhaya-fund-rajnath-singh-p-chidambaram-safety-and-security-of-women-and-girl-children/1/412926.html
  11. http://164.100.47.132/LssNew/psearch/QResult16.aspx?qref=2469
  12. http://www.telegraphindia.com/1150403/jsp/nation/story_12404.jsp#.VSFwVvxyRqA
  13. http://www.thehindu.com/opinion/op-ed/a-budget-for-women/article6929819.ece
  14. http://www.thehindu.com/news/resources/full-text-of-justice-vermas-report-pdf/article4339457.ece#

 

 

 

Ten Years of the Right to Information (RTI) Act: A Review

By Neha Mahal 

In 2015, the Right to Information act completed ten years, though amidst mixed opinions evaluating its journey so far. On one hand, there is a sense of rejoice for its role in establishing citizens’ right to seek information from public authorities. On the other hand, inaction on reforms needed for efficient implementation of the act have raised doubts over how far things have practically changed at the ground level. The reality of RTI act’s implementation lay somewhere in the middle of these two standpoints. In its decade long existence, the act has managed to bring transparency by exposing slew of corruption cases running into thousands of crores such as CWG, 2G and Adarsh society scam. But, accountability in the routine working of the public authorities is yet to take roots as majority of common citizens still find access to information difficult due to delays, supply of insufficient information and limited reach of the act.

Pendency: Key Barrier in Flow of Information

Citizen’s participation in everyday governance entails supply of information in due time. According to a study, pendency of cases in 23 Information Commissions (ICs) across India is 1, 98,7391. And, it takes at least a year for an appeal to come up for hearing before an IC. The resultant delay in accessing information undermines citizens’ right to know and redress individual grievances, access entitlements such as ration cards and pensions, investigate government policies and decisions, and expose corruption. One of the main reasons for high pendency of appeals with ICs is ineffective process of information supply at the level of Public authorities (PAs) during first application and subsequent first appeal2.

The information Seeker Survey found that “75 per cent of the citizens are dissatisfied with the quality of the information provided by PAs” 3. Even the process of first appeal does not yield substantial result. Except for first appeals filed with the central government or Delhi government, there is less than 4% chance of getting any information by filing a first appeal4. The reason behind such state of affairs is not only bureaucratic resistance to transparency but inefficient information collection and management system within government agencies5. As the files and information are dispersed across several offices of one department for lack of digitisation of records, it becomes difficult to provide information completely and timely on the part of PAs6.

Along with it, suppliers of information, the Public Information Officers (PIOs) are not properly equipped or trained to handle the responsibility of supplying information. According to a study, 45% of the PIOs have not undergone any form of training related to the RTI act7. Thus, lack of comprehensive capacity building efforts make it difficult for them to process the bulky information held by government agencies into legible one sought by citizens8. The IC report also observed that many cases may not have been brought up for adjudication if well informed PIOs had resolved the issue earlier9.

Impending administrative reforms

The obstructions faced by ICs and PAs in maintaining flow of information arise from weakening of SICs’ role as implementing agencies. Under section 18 of the central RTI act, SICs, along with disposing off 2nd appeals and complaints, are also responsible for supervising compliance of the act by PAs10. Recognizing the importance of modernization of record management by introducing information technology and capacity building of PIOs for proper implementation of the act, SICs have regularly recommended to their respective state governments to carry out these reforms. Yet, it eludes implementation because SICs do not have the authority to enforce its recommendations. The authority rests with the state governments which have so far shown negligible progress in implementing these recommendations11.

Lack of substantive authority also reduces capacity of SICs to uphold other channels of bringing in accountability in functioning of PAs. The RTI act allows SICs to impose penalty on PIOs for delaying or refusing the supply of information. Since, SICs lack power of enforceability of its orders, even penalties that are imposed are not recovered12. There is a connection between the number of penalties imposed and both the willingness of PIOs to make information available, and consequently, the number of appeals and complaints reaching information commissions. Hence, authority of SICs is an important dimension in tackling issues of information supply under RTI act.

Lack Of Ownership By State Government

Lack of ownership of the act by state governments has also resulted in scarcity of financial resources for the functioning of the act. Union Government, on the recommendation of the 2nd Administrative Reform Commission had advised state governments to earmark 1 % of the funds meant to implement major welfare schemes towards necessary reforms such as digitization of records and buying necessary infrastructure to provide information over a period of five years13. A study by Research And Advocay Group (RAAG) highlights that state governments have merely forwarded the circulars of Directorate of Personnel Training (DoPT) on RTI implementation guidelines to the Public Authorities without undertaking any financial or administrative reforms themselves14

Along with delaying reforms, scarcity of funds has thwarted initiative at the level of ICs to deal with issue of backlog of cases. ICs require competent and professional full time employees to help in preparing case backgrounds but there is no allocation in budget for such posts15. Thus, ICs have to make do with smaller and ad hoc staff lacking expertise which delays work adding to mounting pendency. Further down, an inadequate budget is available to public authorities at the district level to implement the RTI Act, be it in terms of undertaking training programmes for its officers, creating awareness about the Act, providing publicity material, user guides to the public and other related matters16. Lack of infrastructure with the public authorities at the district and village level makes dissemination of information about welfare schemes related to education, health and right to work practically impossible.

This has resulted in information divide between urban and rural areas. Urban areas have multiple sources to access information such as newspaper, radio and television, internet. While rural areas depend mostly on government channels to get information about initiatives and policies. The resultant gap reflects in the profile of RTI users. While majority of RTI applicants are BPL citizens but they live in urban areas (86%) and rural based users constitute miniscule proportion of users (14%)17. Limited access to RTI in rural areas eludes the objective of the act which was to enable free flow of information, especially, to the grassroots level.

To Conclude

RTI is a landmark legislation as it was enacted after a sustained demand and struggle from the grassroots level. It empowered ordinary citizen to question government accustomed to function in unbreachable secrecy. Where people and activists have been able to make use of RTI, results have been rewarding- from uncovering human rights violations in Hashimpura, to bringing transparency in IIT-JEE entrance exams and making MNREGA (Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee act) related information public.

Yet, a lot remains to be done to make transparency and accountability a regular feature of governance in India. The urban-rural divide in its access contradicts its foremost objective of bringing information and thus, empowerment to the masses at grassroots level. The lack of reforms denies citizens the opportunity to make governance people-centric. Given that the weakness of the RTI lies in its weak implementation, the next phase of RTI act needs to focus on increasing the authority of implementing agencies, especially SICs, of the act in order to set in motion the practical regime of RTI by ensuring much needed compliance from government agencies.

References:

  1. http://nebula.wsimg.com/93c4b1e26eb3fbd41782c6526475ed79?AccessKeyId=52EBDBA4FE710433B3D8&disposition=0&alloworigin=1
  2. Ibid.
  3. http://rti.gov.in/rticorner/studybypwc/key_issues.pdf
  4. Ibid.
  5. http://cic.gov.in/Sub-Com-1-Report/1_Title.pdf
  6. Ibid.
  7. http://nebula.wsimg.com/93c4b1e26eb3fbd41782c6526475ed79?AccessKeyId=52EBDBA4FE710433B3D8&disposition=0&alloworigin=1
  8. Ibid
  9. http://cic.gov.in/Sub-Com-1-Report/1_Title.pdf
  10. http://rti.gov.in/rti-act.pdf
  11. http://nebula.wsimg.com/93c4b1e26eb3fbd41782c6526475ed79?AccessKeyId=52EBDBA4FE710433B3D8&disposition=0&alloworigin=1
  12. http://cic.gov.in/Sub-Com-1-Report/1_Title.pdf
  1. http://persmin.gov.in/DOPT/RTICorner/Compendium/COMPENDIUM_Final.pdf
  2. http://nebula.wsimg.com/93c4b1e26eb3fbd41782c6526475ed79?AccessKeyId=52EBDBA4FE710433B3D8&disposition=0&alloworigin=1
  3. http://cic.gov.in/Sub-Com-1-Report/1_Title.pdf
  4. http://www.humanrightsinitiative.org/publications/rti/compliance_with_rti_act_survey.pdf
  5. http://nebula.wsimg.com/93c4b1e26eb3fbd41782c6526475ed79?AccessKeyId=52EBDBA4FE710433B3D8&disposition=0&alloworigin=1